Saturday, February 7, 2009

Oil Price Shock and Macroeconomic Activities in Nigeria



Abstract
The objective of this study was to examine the effect of oil price shock on output, inflation, the real exchange rate and the money supply in Nigeria using quarterly data from 1970 to 2003. The VAR method was employed to analyze the data. The findings were contrary to previous empirical findings in other countries; oil price shock does not affect output and inflation in Nigeria. However, oil price shocks do significantly influence the real exchange rates. The implication is that a high real oil price may give rise to wealth effect that appreciates the real exchange rate. This may squeeze the tradable sector, giving rise to the “Dutch Disease”.
I. Introduction
A development in the global economy posing a great challenge to policy makers across countries is the increasing spate of fluctuations in oil prices. The price oil oscillating between $17 and $26 at different times in 2002 hovered around $53 per barrel by October 2004. In fact, the price of oil has witnessed profound fluctuations since 1974. Persistent oil shocks could have severe macroeconomic implications, thus inducing challenges for policy making - fiscal or monetary in both the oil exporting and oil importing countries over the past three decades (Kim and Loughani, 1992; Taton, 1988; Mork, 1994; Hooker, 1996; Caruth, Hooker and Oswald, 1996; Daniel, 1997; Hamilton, 1996; and Cashin et al 2000). Some of these studies suggest rising oil prices reduced output and increased inflation in the 1970s and early 1980s and falling oil prices boosted output and lowered inflation particularly, in the U.S in the mid-to late 1980s. The transmission mechanisms through which oil prices have impact on real economic activity include both supply and demand channels. The supply side effects are related to the fact that crude oil is a basic input to production, and consequently an increase in oil price leads to a rise in production costs that induces firms to lower output. Oil prices changes also entail demand-side effects on consumption and investment. Consumption is affected indirectly through its positive relation with disposable income. Oil price rises reduces the consumers spending power. Investment may also be
International Research Journal of Finance and Economics - Issue 3 (2006) 29 affected if the oil price shock encourages producers to substitute less energy intensive capital for more energy-intensive capital. The magnitude of this effect is in turn stronger the more the shock is perceived to be long-lasting. For this reason, the theoretical literature has been of a general equilibrium nature, with different authors assigning different weights to the supply and demand channels.

The present study is motivated by the findings that it was not the oil price shocks themselves but monetary policy’s response to them that caused fluctuations in aggregate economic activity. In a recent study, Bohi (1989), Bernanke, Gertler, and Watson, (1997) analyzed the possibility that the 1974 economic recession in the United States may have been the consequence of the Federal Reserve’s policy response to the inflation triggered by an oil price shock. The studies found out that changes in domestic output arose due to the Federal Reserve’s policy of monetary tightening induced inflation sparked off by the oil price shock. However, most of the empirical studies carried out have focused on the oil importing economies, particularly the developed economies. Few studies exist yet on the effect of oil price shock on key macroeconomic variables for an oil exporting country as Nigeria. This study intends to fill this gap. Thus the specific objectives of this study are to analyze the impacts of oil price shock on key macroeconomic variables in Nigeria and measure the magnitude of such impacts. Quarterly data from 1970 to 2004 are used for estimation. Therefore, for this paper, a vector autoregressive (VAR) model of the Nigerian economy is constructed to test whether oil price shocks affect economic activities on the one hand, and to examine whether monetary policy’s response to oil price shocks accounts for the fluctuations in aggregate economic activity.
The Methodology
The empirical exercise is now to estimate the effect of oil price shock on the macroeconomic variables in a VAR and decompose the forecast error variance to analyze how a unit shock is transmitted to the variables in the system. The SVAR model is composed of five variables, namely: the real Gross Domestic Output (real GDP), represented by the Industrial production Index (y); and the domestic price level, measured by the Consumer Price Index (p).
The real exchange rate (rer), defined as the product of the domestic currency value of the dollar and the ratio of the U.S and the domestic Wholesale Price Indexes (WPI), is also included. The real oil price (poil) is measured by the domestic price of crude oil deflated by the CPI. The real GDP is used as a measure of aggregate economic activity. All the other variables are indirect channels through which oil price increases (or decreases) affects the economy by bringing about changes in economic policy.

Two specific sets of structural restrictions have been examined in different studies in order to allow us to examine the different channels of transmission between the external sector and the domestic sector, and to test the sensitivity of the results to the choice of restrictions. Simple theory can help predict how an oil price shock will affect the variables in either model. Lower oil rents resulting from an oil price shock cause a temporary shift in the production function, leading to decrease in real output. The decrease in output, ceteris paribus, results in an excess demand for goods and an increase in the interest rate. This decrease in output and interest rate, in turn reduces the demand for real cash balances, and given a nominal quantity of money, the price level rises. Therefore, we would expect an oil price shock to lower GDP and increase the price level (Gordon, 1998). In this model, the real exchange rate (equation 3) is influenced by shocks to both the price of oil. In the money supply equation, the price of oil and the real exchange rate affects the money supply through the balance-of-payment effects on reserves. However, domestic output and prices do not affect money within a quarter. In the aggregate demand equation, output depends on domestic money shocks, while net exports depend on the relative price of oil and the real exchange rate. In equation (7), domestic prices respond to shocks to the price of oil, the real exchange rate, money supply and domestic output. The real exchange rate captures the cost-push effects of rising prices of imported impute to production, while the quantity of money appears due to its effect on the cost of working capital (Joyce and Kamas, 1997). Three different non-linear transformations of oil prices are available in the literature. First is the asymmetric specification, in which increases or decreases in the price of oil are considered as separate variables. Second method is the scaled specification which takes volatility into account (see for example, Lee et al. 1995). Finally, we have the net specification method adopted by Hamilton (1996). The method adopted in the present study is the scaled specification. This is to enable us examine the effect of oil price volatility on economic activity in Nigeria. The choice of measure of oil price shock has been a matter for empirical discourse over the years. The formal volatility measure adopted in this study is the conditional variance of the percentage change of the nominal oil price.

Empirical Results
Cointegration
A vector of variables integrated of order one is cointegrated if there exists linear combination of the variables, which are stationary. Following the approach of Johansen and Juselius (1990) two likelihood ratio test statistics, the maximal eigenvalue and the trace statistic, were utilized to determine the number of cointegrating vectors. The cointegration tests were performed allowing for both the presence and absence of linear trends. The results of the maximal eigenvalues and trace test statistics for the two models were presented in Table 2 below. The procedure followed to determine the number of cointegrating vectors began at the top of the table with the hypothesis that there are no cointegrating vectors and with trends, H+. A rejection of the hypothesis would lead to testing the alternative hypothesis of no cointegrating vectors, and no trend, H. The testing procedure continues until the hypothesis cannot be rejected.
The test statistics indicate that the hypothesis of no cointegration among the variables can be rejected for Nigeria. The results reveal that at least two cointegrating vectors exist among the variables of interest. Since the variables are cointegrated, the equations of the VARs also include lagged values of the variables in levels to capture their long-run relationships. Variance Decomposition
The variance decomposition measures the proportion of forecast error variance in one variable explained by innovations in itself and the other variables. But it should be noted that the VAR was estimated with the sets of contemporaneous structural restrictions specified in the equations. First, the results of the likelihood ratio test on the adequacy of the identifying restrictions on the model showed that the model is well behaved.
The Real Exchange Rate
The variance decomposition suggests that shocks to oil price as evidenced in Table 3, explained about 48 percent of shocks to the real exchange rate in the 1st quarter declining in effects to about 33 percent in the 8th quarter, and further to about 32 percent in the tenth quarter. The contribution of money supply shocks to real exchange rate shocks was about 4 percent in the fourth quarter rising marginally to about 5 percent in the tenth quarter. Output shocks do not contribute significantly to shocks in real exchange rates, as it was less than 1 percent over a ten-month period. Also, shocks to inflation contributed an average of 3 percent to real exchange rate shocks over from the fourth quarter to the tenth quarter. This finding is consistent with previous studies that oil price shocks do significantly affects the real exchange rate (Amano and Van Norden 1998a and 1998b). Thus, a high real oil price may have given rise to wealth effects that appreciates the exchange rate. This squeezed the tradable sector and gave rise to the “Dutch-Disease syndrome in Nigeria.


Money Supply
Shocks to oil price did not initially contribute much to the shocks in money supply in the first quarter through to the fourth quarter. However, by the eight and tenth quarters, shocks to oil price contributed about 10 percent and 17 percent respectively to changes in domestic money supply. On the other hand, the effect of real exchange rate shock averaged 3 percent in the first period, rising to about 4 percent in the fourth quarter, 9 percent in the 8th quarter and 12 percent in the tenth quarter. The contribution of real output was low, averaging about 0.3 percent over the entire tent quarter. Similarly, the contribution of inflation rate shocks to shocks in money supply was 0.02 percent for the first quarter period, rising only marginally to about 0.6 percent in the tenth quarter. An important finding here is that both oil price shocks and shocks to the real exchange rates affected domestic money supply at long lags. This supports earlier studies that monetary policy responds to oil price shocks (Bernanke et al. 1997; Bohi 1989).

Output
For output, the largest source of shocks was changes in money supply, which contributed about 0.06 percent in the first quarter, rising to about 9 percent in the fourth quarter, 13 percent in the eight quarter
International Research Journal of Finance and Economics - Issue 3 (2006) 33
and about 15 percent in the 10th quarter. The contribution of oil price shock to real output violability was about 2 percent in the fourth quarter, 3 percent in the eight quarter and about 6 percent in the 10th quarter. The oil price variable contributed about 2.1 percent to shocks in output was in the second quarter, and averaging about 4 percent over the 7th and the 10th quarters. The contribution of inflation rate shocks declined from about 5 percent in the fourth quarter through 4 percent in the eight quarter to about 3 percent in the tenth quarter. The implication of this finding is that oil price shock does not significantly affect output in Nigeria. This contradicts expectations that oil price shocks tend to lower GDP (Gordon, 1998) and reinforces the fact that oil price shocks are neither necessary nor sufficient to explain downturn in GDP (Barsky and Kilian 2004). Inflation
Output changes accounts for the largest share of shock to inflation rate, while oil price shock explained relatively little. Output changes contributed about 40 percent to changes in commodity price level in the first quarter, declining through 33 percent in the fourth quarter to about 31 percent in the tenth quarter. Real exchange rate contributed about 8 percent to changes in inflation rate in the first quarter, rising through 11 percent in the fourth quarter to about 15 percent in the tenth quarter. However, oil price explained only 0.1 percent of changes in inflation rate in the first quarter, rising to about 4 percent in the eight quarter and 7 percent in the tenth quarter. This finding confirms that oil price may not be necessarily inflationary contrary to findings by Barsky and Kilian (2002) and Rotemberg and Woodford (1996).
V. Conclusion
The econometric findings presented in this study demonstrate that oil price shocks do not have substantial effects on output and inflation rate in Nigeria over the period covered by the study. Inflation rate depend on shocks to output and the real exchange rates. However, the findings demonstrated that fluctuations in oil prices do substantially affect the real exchange rates in Nigeria. Also, the it was found out that it is not the oil price itself but rather its manifestation in real exchange rates and money supply that affects the fluctuations of aggregate economic activity proxy, the GDP. Thus, we conclude that oil price shock is an important determinant of real exchange rates and in the long run money supply, while money supply rather than oil price shocks that affects output growth in Nigeria.
References
Ahmad, S. 1993. ‘Does Money Affect Output? Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Business Review, July/August: 13-28.

Barsky, R.B., and L. Kilian. 2002. “Do We Really Know that Oil Caused the Great Stagflation? A Monetary Alternative” in NBER Macroeconomic Annual 2001, 16, B.S. Bernanke and K. Rogoff, eds. Cambridge, MA:MIT Press, pp. 137-183.
[3]
Barsky, R.B., and L. Kilian. 2004. “Oil and the Macroeconomy Since the 1970s” NBER Working Paper 10855, http://www.nber.org/papers/w10855
[5] Effects of Oil Price Shocks.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1, pp.91-148
[6] Bohi, Douglas R. 1991. Energy Price Shocks and Macroeconomic Performance. Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future.
[7] Carruth, A.A., M.A. Hooker and A.J Oswald. 1996 ”Unemployment Equilibria and Input Prices: Theory and Evidence for the United States”, Review of Economics and Statistics.
[8] Cashin, P., H. Liang, and C.J. Mcdermoth. 2000. “How persistent are shocks to world Commodity prices? IMF Staff Papers, vol.47 (2)
[9] Daniel N.C. 1997. “International Interdependence of National Growth Rates: A structural Trends Analysis”, Journal of Monetary Economics 40:73-96.

[10] Friedman, B.M and F.H.Hahn (eds.) 1990. Handbook of Monetary Economics Amsterdam: North-Holland.

[11] Gordon, Robert J. 1984. “Supply Shocks and Monetary Policy Revisited.” American Economic Review. May, 74:2. pp.38-43

[12] Hamilton, J.D. 1983. “Oil and the Macroeconomy since World War II”, Journal of Political conomy 91:228-48. [13] Hamilton, J.D. 1996. “This is What Happened to the Oil-Price Macroeconomy Relationship”, Journal of Monetary Economics 38:215-20
[14] Hamilton, J.D. 2003. “What is an Oil Shock?” Journal of Econometrics 113:363-398. [15] Hooker, M.A. 1996. “What Happened to the Oil Price Macroeconomy Relationship?” Journal of Monetary Economics 38:195-213.
[16] Jones, R. and P.B. Kenen (eds.) 1985. Handbook of International Economics: Volume II. Amsterdam:North-Holland
[17] Joyce, J.P. and L. Kamas. 1997. ‘The Relative Importance of foreign and domestic shocks to Output and prices in Mexico and Colombia’, Weitwirtschaftliche Archiv, vol. 133(3): 458-477
[18] Kim, I M., and P. Loungani. 1992. “The Role of Energy in Teal Business Cycles” Journal of Monetary Economics, 29:173-189.
[19] McCallum, B.T. 1989. Real Business Cycle Models in R. Barro (ed.), Modern Business Cycle Theory, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
[20] Mork, K.A. 1994. “Business Cycles and the Oil Market”, Energy Journal 15, Special Issue pp. 15-38.
[21] Rasche, R., and Tatom, J. 1981. “Energy Price Shocks, Aggregate Supply and Monetary Policy:

The Theory and International Evidence” in K. Brunner and A.H. Meltzer (eds) Supply Shocks, Incentives and National Wealth, Canergie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy, 4:9-93.
[22] Rotemberg, J.J. and M. Woodford. 1996. “Imperfect Competition and the Effects of EnergyPrice Increases on Economic Activity”, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 28:549-577.

[23] Tatom, J. 1988. “Are the macroeconomic effects of oil price changes symmetric?” Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy, 28. pp.325-368.
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Philip A. Olomola
Department of Economics
Obafemi Awolowo University
Ile-Ife
E-mail: polomola@oauife.edu.ng
Akintoye V. Adejumo
Department of Economics
Obafemi Awolowo University
Ile-Ife, Nigeria

Friday, February 6, 2009

Motivate Yourself - Don't Be a Quitter, Discover 3 Key Steps to Get and Stay Motivated

One of the biggest obstacles to success is the time factor. Everybody desires a change for better in any given area of their lives: health, finances, self esteem or personal relationships. But not all of us have what it takes to stick to a plan and walk it out.

The truth is that great ideas will not change our lives overnight. On the contrary, the changes we choose of our own will always happen gradually. And their outcome depends on how motivated we are and how motivated we will stay throughout the process.

Let's face it. Being enthusiastic about a new idea for a few days, or even a week, is easy. Anybody can do that. It is when the going gets tough and when it turns out to be harder than we imagined that we lose momentum and eventually give up on our new project.

If you are a giver-upper, here is good news for you: You can change that bad habit-because that is what quitting is all about-and learn how to achieve your goals successfully.

Acquire a Vision

Long term projects cannot succeed if they are chosen randomly as a whim of the moment. You might have very good ideas, but you need to take them one step further if you want to implement them successfully.

First ask yourself who you are and who you want to become.

You might not be aware of it, but God has already laid out a wonderful plan for your life. You were not placed furtively on this planet to survive as good as you possibly can. The Bible states you are His masterpiece created to walk in a life He has already prepared beforehand (Ephesians 2:10).

So all you have to do is connect with God and flow with His program!

Fix Your Thought Life

Most of us make the mistake of focusing on externals when we implement changes in our lives. We neglect working on our mindset, the very place where wrong thought patterns will cause our endeavor to fail.

If those wrong thoughts are not dealt with, they will lead you to quit just as they did in your previous projects. Because the thoughts you have today will determine your life tomorrow.

The most powerful way to change wrong thought patterns is by studying the Word of God-the Bible-and finding out what God has to say about your situation. And that leads to key number 3:

Have Faith

Somebody once said, "Faith can move mountains." And it does. Faith is the most important factor when it comes to achieving success in life.

You might say, "But I don't have a strong faith!"

That's easy to solve: Faith comes by hearing the Word of God. It is when you diligently seek God and His way of operating that you will come to see yourself as the one He created you to be: A victorious overcomer.

You can find out what God's plan is for your life and change the course of your life forever. Learn how to flow with God's plan for your life, and how to successfully develop the talents He has given you with my free e-course "7 Steps to Consistently Change Your Life" and e-book "The Power of Self-Directed Learning" at http://www.Self-DirectedLearningForSuccess.com

Thursday, February 5, 2009

Charles C Soludo’s Aborted Strategic Agenda for the Naira. 14th August, 2007

Briefing by Professor Charles C Soludo, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, on the “Strategic Agenda of the Naira”, Abuja, 14 August 2007.

I: Introduction
It is my pleasure to welcome everyone to this important briefing on the “Strategic Agenda for the Naira”. As you may recall, it is about three years since we launched (in this very Auditorium on July 6, 2004) the 13-point reform agenda designed to restructure, refocus and strengthen the Nigerian banking and financial system. At that meeting, I observed that the agenda constituted “Phase One” of the reforms. We have since introduced other complementary reforms designed to stabilize the exchange rate, reduce inflation, reform microfinance, restructure the lower denominations of our currency and re-introduce coins, as well as promote the efficiency of the payments system. We have also launched the design of a comprehensive long-term reform agenda for the financial system (the Financial System Strategy 2020 – FSS 2020).
All these reforms are driven by our medium and long-term objectives to ensure economic prosperity of Nigeria, and for Nigeria to become the Africa’s financial hub by the year 2020.
Only a sustained stable macroeconomic environment and a sound and vibrant financial system can propel the economy to achieve our national desire to become one of the 20 largest economies in the world by the year 2020.
The Strategic Agenda for the Naira is therefore being launched today as “Phase Two” of our reform agenda, and as a necessary complement to the 13-point agenda of Phase One and other reforms. Phase Two of the reforms has become all the more imperative given the progress so far on Phase One, as well as the emphasis of the new Central Bank of Nigeria
Act on ensuring monetary and price stability. According to the “Central Bank of Nigeria Act, 2007”, (Section 2) the key objects of the Central Bank shall be to: (a) ensure monetary and price stability; (b) issue legal tender currency in Nigeria; (c) maintain external reserves to safeguard the international value of the legal tender currency; (d) promote a sound financial system in Nigeria; and (e) act as banker and provide economic and financial advice to the Federal Government. The Phase Two, by focusing on the Naira, means that the Central Bank intends to give greater emphasis to the most important function of central banks everywhere in the world namely, to issue legal tender currency and to defend its value (domestically by ensuring low inflation and externally by ensuring appropriate and stable exchange rate regime). Our specific objective in Phase Two of the reforms is to make the Naira the currency of reference in Africa, and thus a strategic catalyst for achieving the goal
of an international financial centre as well as promoting Nigeria’s rapid economic development. We also need the Phase Two to ensure that the results being achieved under Phase One are deepened and sustained.

II: Overview of the reforms since 2004 and outcomes
Before we outline the elements of the Strategic Agenda, it is germane to briefly review our progress so far. As you are aware, most of our reforms have focused on structural and institutional reforms, and have included the following:
• Strengthened the institutional framework for the conduct of monetary policy
• Bank recapitalization/consolidation
• Programme to possibly eliminate or reduce government ownership of any bank (to no more than 10 percent)
• Improved transparency and corporate governance
• Zero tolerance to misreporting and data rendition, and strict adherence to the Anti-money laundering regulations
• Implementation of Basel II Principles and Risk-based supervision
• Payments system reforms for efficiency – especially the e-payment
• Reforming the Exchange rate management system – adoption of the Wholesale Dutch Auction System (WDAS) and increased liberalization of the forex market (which since 2006 led to the convergence of the parallel and official exchange rates for the first time in 20 years).
• Restructuring the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting, Plc;
• Addressing issues of technology and skills in the banking industry especially in risk management and ICT.
• Launching of a new Micro finance policy and regulatory framework to serve the un- served 65 percent of the bankable public
• Ongoing Pension, Consumer credit, and Mortgage system reforms
• Forging strategic alliances and partnerships between Nigerian banks and foreign financial institutions especially in the area of reserve/asset management
• Establishment of Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), as first private-sector led African Investment Bank
• Encouragement of Nigerian banks to go global, leading to more than doubling of branch network in West Africa since 2004; setting up of subsidiaries in London as well as Nigerian banks successfully issuing Eurobonds and getting listed on the London Stock Exchange.

Our grand objective in the banking sector reforms was to re-engineer and fast-track a system that will engender confidence and power a new economy. So far, the grand objectives of that policy are being achieved, and our consolidation programme has been adjudged about the most successful and at least cost to the tax payers in the world. The total deposits trapped in the failed banks as percentage of GDP is about 0.7% (the lowest in the world), and no private sector depositor would lose a kobo of his/her deposit. The banking system is the safest and soundest it has ever been in history. Deposits and credits have more than doubled, and non-performing loans as percentage of total loans have gone down from about 23% before consolidation to about 7% currently. Individual banks now finance big projects valued at hundreds of millions of dollars and also operate in the oil and gas sector – a feat they never could do before now. Interest rates are gradually coming down (with average lending rate at about 16.9%, down from 25%). Currently, commercial bank branches have gone up from about 3,200 before reforms to over 4,100, and total employment in the sector has gone up from about 55,000 before reforms to over 61,000 currently. The world is
celebrating Nigeria’s success, and over $1.5 billion of foreign investment has gone into the sector since 2005. By end 2007, there will be about 7 or more banks with shareholders fund in excess of $1 billion and over 10 banks with market capitalization of over $2 billion each (there was none in 2004). In 2004, there was no Nigerian bank in the top 1000 banks in the world. As at the end of 2006, there were 12 banks in the top 1000, with one ranked 355th (top 500 in the world). Our banking system is powering the Nigerian Stock Exchange. Today, Nigeria has the fastest growing banking system in Africa, and one of the fastest in the world.
As seasoned commentators have observed, it has taken Nigeria less than three years to achieve what it took South Africa 20 years to achieve in the area of banking. To put it succinctly, a new banking system has emerged, and will only get stronger for the benefit of the Nigerian economy. We firmly believe that with the sustenance of the reforms as the CBN is determined to do, the best is yet to come.
On the macroeconomic front, double-digit and volatile inflation rate (which used to be the norm) have been subdued as inflation rate has remained at single-digit since last year. However, inflation risks remain high. The Naira/US dollar exchange rate has remained stable (with steady appreciation of Naira against the dollar) since 2004, and the GDP has
maintained a robust growth rate of over 6% per annum since 2003.

III: Matters arising and challenges ahead
Despite progress on a number of fronts, there are still enormous challenges and unfinished business. At the economy-wide level, there are still chronic challenges of insecurity of lives and property, infrastructure deficiency (especially power and transportation), education crisis, among others.
At the level of the financial system, we have the huge task of effectively implementing the FSS 2020. There is still the risk of fiscal dominance and volatility in the fiscal operations of government. Evolving Fiscal Responsibility arrangements and framework for managing highly volatile oil revenues will be critical. Other unfinished business in the reforms includes:

• Risk-based, consolidated and strengthened banking supervision
• Mortgage, SME, and consumer credit reforms
• Adherence of States and LGs to the requirement under the Micro Finance policy to devote at least 1 percent of their annual budget to micro credit
• Continued reform of the payments system, especially the e-payments system and enforcement of the Dud cheque offences Act.
Efforts will continue to be made to address these unfinished issues.

IV: The Strategic Agenda
The thrust of the agenda focuses on the Naira as our national currency – to realign its denominations, ensure its stability and global integration. These will help to deepen the reforms of the financial system and national economy, and make the Naira the currency of reference in Africa thereby facilitating our quest for international financial status.
The new focus is an extension of our previous currency redesign and re-issuance of the lower denominations and attempt to re-introduce coins. Our goals were to redesign the currencies after 23 years (contrary to the international norm of currency redesign after 6-8 years), drive down the cost of currency printing and experiment with the polymer substrate.
Our objectives are largely achieved and we have learnt a lot from the exercise. However, in the light of the new mandate by the CBN Act (2007) to “ensure monetary and price stability”, as well as the vision articulated under the FSS 2020, it has become imperative for us to evolve a more comprehensive strategy for the Naira as a reference currency.
Currency redenomination and liberalization are not without risks especially for small open economies such as Nigeria. However, we believe that the time is auspicious for such reforms
especially in the light of the following enabling conditions:
• Overall commitment of the Federal Government under Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (GCFR) to sustaining macroeconomic and other structural reforms
• A robust external reserves to meet almost 20 months of foreign exchange
disbursements and 25 months of imports
• Stronger banking system powering a new economy and capital market

• Inflation down to single digit, and robust GDP growth of about 6% and above
• Exchange rate stability and elimination of multiple currency practices that had been prevalent before now
• Strong capital inflows (with Central Bank as increasingly marginal player in the forex market)
• Debt relief: Nigeria without a debt burden
• Non-oil exports growing strongly (24% in 2006)
• Nigeria de-listed from the FATF list
• New CBN Act not permitting CBN to grant ways and means advances to Government exceeding 5% of previous year’s revenue provided such financing is retired before end of the financial year. Indeed, CBN is not positively disposed to granting any ways and means advances.
It is in the view of the foregoing enabling conditions, and our vision for a Naira that is the currency of reference in Africa that the Board of Directors of the Central Bank of Nigeria has approved the following agenda for the Naira:

A: Currency re-denomination
Here, we intend to restructure the entire currency by dropping two zeroes or moving two decimal points to the left from the currency, and issuing more coin denominations. This would entail a total currency exchange and phasing-out of all the existing denominations from August 1, 2008. Effectively, at the current exchange rate, this policy would mean that the Naira/US dollar exchange rate would be around N1.25 to US$1 then. All Naira assets, prices and contracts will be re-denominated by dropping two zeroes or two decimal points to the left with effect from this date. The proposed currency structure is as follows:
• Coins:
• 1 kobo
• 2 kobo
• 5 kobo
• 10 kobo
• 20 kobo
• Notes:
• 50 kobo
• 1 Naira
• 5 Naira
• 10 Naira
• 20 Naira
Effectively, our plan will restore the value of the Naira (in the short-term) close to what it was in 1985 before the commencement of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986.
Re-denomination and re-introduction of totally new currency structure (notes and coins) following the progress so far with other reforms and the enabling conditions in the economy today are designed to better anchor inflationary expectations, strengthen public confidence in the Naira, make for easier conversion to other currencies, reverse tendency for currency substitution, eliminate higher denomination notes with lower value, reduce the cost of production, distribution and processing of currency, promote the usage of coins and thus a more efficient pricing and payments system, and lay the foundation for the convertibility of the Naira as well as make it the “Reference currency” in Africa. The African Union has granted Nigeria the right to host the Headquarters of the African Central Bank when the common currency in Africa materializes. We must therefore lead the way in terms of properly aligned currency structure and sound monetary policy framework.
Several countries in the world have undertaken currency re-denomination at various times and for different reasons, including:
Afghanistan (2002);
Germany (1923, 1948);
Argentina (1970; 1983; 1985; 1992);
Bolivia (1963, 1987);
Brazil (1967, 1970, 1986, 1989, 1990, 1993,
1994); China (1955);
South Korea (1962);
Mexico (1993, 1996);
Ghana (2007); Israel (1948,
1960, 1980, 1985);
Turkey (2005);
Angola (1995, 1999); and others.

Evidently, many countries have had to undertake the re-denomination more than once. In the case of Brazil, it had to do it many times before it got it right. The major challenge is to undertake other complementary reforms, particularly macroeconomic reforms that will underpin price stability and continuing confidence in the economy. This is where we believe Nigeria’s experience is likely to be different from others, having learnt from the experiences of other countries.
Consequently, as necessary complements to the currency re-denomination, we intend to introduce three additional measures:
• Adoption of Inflation-Targeting Framework for the conduct of monetary policy
• Sharing Part of the Federation Account in US Dollars to deepen the Forex Market and for Liquidity Management
• Current Account Liberalization/Convertibility and Accession to Article VIII of the IMF.

B: Adoption of inflation-targeting framework for the conduct of monetary policy: to commence from January 1, 2009

In the light of the new mandate as contained in the new CBN Act (2007) urging the CBN to “ensure monetary and price stability” as well as the need to provide a transparent, credible framework to lock-in inflationary expectations, the CBN will adopt inflation target as the nominal anchor for monetary policy with effect from January 1, 2009. Low and stable inflation will be our monetary policy’s primary long-term goal. Focusing on inflation targeting does not mean that the CBN will not be interested in other broader objectives of macroeconomic policy – output growth, employment, exchange rate, and balance of payments. Rather, an inflation-targeting framework will enable CBN to pursue these objectives in a more disciplined and consistent manner rather than the ad-hoc processes of the past. Locking-in inflationary expectations is one effective way of ensuring that the currency re-denomination will be sustainable. The outcome of this new framework will greatly improve the credibility of the CBN as the Monetary Authority, as well as deepen the financial markets and promote rapid development of a private sector-led economy.
We will use the next 16 months to fully prepare for the introduction of this framework especially in the light of the deep technical issues involved. The CBN would collaborate with the National Bureau of Statistics in significantly improving the availability of high frequency and reliable data especially those of the GDP and more robust measures of the price indices.

C: Sharing part of the federation account allocation in US dollars to deepen the forex market and for liquidity management: to commence from September 2007

Given the structure and development of the financial system, the underdeveloped nature of the Forex markets, as well as the restrictions on foreign exchange transactions, the CBN has traditionally fully monetized the foreign currency receipts in the Federation Accounts, to be shared by the three tiers of government. Initially, the CBN also maintained the accounts for all the tiers of government – as part of the liquidity management framework. Subsequently, as the banking system developed, the CBN allowed the share of the states and LGs to be deposited with the commercial banks.
Recently, following the reforms in the banking sector and the further liberalization of the Forex market, both the financial system and the forex market have deepened and become increasingly sophisticated. Since 2006, the CBN adopted the Wholesale Dutch Auction System (WDAS) in the forex market and significantly liberalized the forex market.
Furthermore, Nigeria has exited the debt trap, built up significant external reserves, and the autonomous inflows into the Forex market are such that the CBN has become a marginal player in the forex market. The forex market has become so efficient that Nigeria no longer has multiple currency practices (as defined by the IMF). In the last two years also, the CBN has consistently intervened in the forex market through the increased sale of foreign exchange as an instrument of liquidity management (the so-called special auctions). In December 2006, the CBN introduced the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) with the corridor, and this has eliminated the high volatility in the money market interest rates. The money market is deepening, and the bond market is also evolving.
The above conditions indicate that the private financial markets are getting deeper and sophisticated enough to warrant further steps on the part of the Central Bank to gradually withdraw as a dominant player in the forex market. The inter-bank forex market is now the dominant segment of the market, and needs to be deepened.
Consequently, the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the CBN has approved the sharing of part of the Federation Account allocation to the Federal Government and the State Governments in US dollars. The Local Governments are excluded in this phase. For the Central Bank, this could also provide an additional instrument for effective liquidity management as we migrate to inflation-targeting framework. The proportion of the Federation Account to be distributed in dollars will be determined from time to time, but largely dependent on the assessment of the forex market as well as the liquidity management requirements of the CBN. Both the States and Federal Government will be required to open “Special Domiciliary Accounts” with commercial banks of their choice.

The special account can only be accessed by monetizing the balances into Naira. In other words, the Governments cannot withdraw dollar cash but may also utilize part of their domiciliary accounts for settlement of external obligations (e.g. opening of letters of credit). From September 2007, the exchange rate that will be applied in the monetization of Federation Account as well as the “Special Domiciliary Accounts” will be the inter-bank rate on that day.
As the market deepens, the CBN will gradually withdraw from the WDAS, and only intervene in the market (buy or sell forex) as may be required to achieve defined policy objectives.
This new policy thrust is expected to deepen the forex market, promote financial market development, and improve the degree of integration among the domestic markets and with international markets. This policy will complement the ongoing programme of allowing Nigerian banks to manage part of our external reserves in collaboration with foreign asset managers. The net effect of these will be to create and deepen capacity within our banks. All these will also provide important building blocks for the external current account convertibility and attainment of the IMF Article VIII status. The challenge here is that both the CBN and the commercial banks would have to manage the risks inherent in foreign exchange trading and deploy a sound system of monitoring foreign asset-liability matching. The CBN in particular, would need to sharpen its skills to monitor and regulate the use of domiciliary accounts in accordance with the international best practices as well as the rules and guidelines governing the anti-money laundering laws and regulations. The Governments too would need to be on top of the risk management techniques for optimal management of their
portfolios.

The CBN is conscious of the risks of dollarization of the economy and will take steps to avoid such. Also, we are conscious of the dangers of the Dutch Disease and hence the need to avoid the repeat of history in terms of high overvaluation of the Naira in real effective terms as happened during the 1970s until early 1980s. Non-oil exports have begun to recover and grew by 24% in 2006. Also, capital inflows have been growing rapidly and highly overvalued exchange rate would hurt these trends. More fundamentally, without a currency re-denomination/realignment, a significant appreciation of the Naira/dollar exchange rate would lead to fiscal crisis given that much of the revenue is dollar denominated, and such appreciation would also significantly deplete our external reserves. Thus, while we deepen the forex market and effectively manage our liquidity, we would not lose focus on ensuring appropriate exchange rate regime for macroeconomic balance.

D: Current account liberalization/convertibility and accession to Article VIII of the IMF: to commence January 1, 2009
As a necessary complement to the foregoing policy initiatives, and to further deepen the integration of our financial system and economy into the global economy, we intend to embark upon full current account liberalization/convertibility by January 1, 2009. This would entail that Nigeria eliminates all restrictions on current account transactions, and accession to Article VIII of the IMF means that the policy is not easily reversible. Out of the 185 member countries of the IMF, 167 have acceded to the Article VIII on current account convertibility. It is our belief that the conditions are right for Nigeria to now join the world league. The timing is proposed to coincide with the commencement of the inflation-targeting framework.

V: Conclusion
These measures constitute a key component of the FSS 2020 agenda: our quest to become an international financial centre and Africa’s financial hub. They will complement and deepen the ongoing financial system reforms. The conditions are now right, and despite the challenges, we are determined to ensure effective design and implementation.

Furthermore, we are working towards greater transparency in the formulation and implementation of our monetary policy. A new Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) will soon be reconstituted in accordance with the new CBN Act, and Minutes of the MPC shall be made public. We also intend to undertake greater public education about what we do and
why we do them the way we do.
Are these policies consistent with the drive towards a single currency in West Africa? Yes:
Nigeria remains committed towards the ECOWAS goal. Currently, the Nigerian economy constitutes about 70 percent of the entire ECOWAS economy and accounts for about 80 percent of the total external reserves. It therefore goes without saying that if the Naira is properly aligned and can become the “Reference Currency”, the goal of a monetary union becomes all the more credible and sustainable. Nigeria has met all the primary convergence criteria and hopes that the other countries will do same on a sustained basis. In the meantime, Nigeria must continue to make progress.
I thank you all for listening.

MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK IN AFRICA:




Abstract


This paper discusses the evolution of monetary policy in Nigeria in the past four decades. Overall, the socio-economic and political milieu, including the legal framework under which the Central Bank of Nigeria has operated, was found to be the critical factor that influenced the outcome of monetary policy. Specifically, the existence of fiscal dominance, a persistent liquidity overhang, an oli-gopolistic banking system and dualistic financial markets are major systemic factors that have undermined the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria. The paper, however, observes that monetary management has been largely more successful under monetary targeting and indirect monetary control introduced since the early 1990s, than during the regime of direct control.
The author is the Director of Research at the Central Bank of Nigeria. The views expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the organisation with which he is affiliated. He gratefully acknowledges the research assistance of Mr E.A. Essien in the preparation of this paper.

INTRODUCTION
Permit me to start this presentation by expressing deep appreciation to the South African Reserve Bank for giving me the opportunity to participate and share my thoughts with the distinguished participants at this important conference. The theme of the conference is very significant. Monetary policy plays an important role in the achievement of macroeconomic and financial sector stability, while an integrated financial market is essential for the rapid development of the African continent. Africa faces a plethora of development challenges. For instance, despite the various economic reforms undertaken by most countries in the last decade, Africa entered the 21century with an average per capita income which is lower than the level attained at the end of the 1960s and the lowest per capita savings rate in the world. Even though it is apparent that Africa’s performance has been largely influenced by its history and geography (Soludo, 2001), the pursuit of sound monetary and fiscal policies and strong institutions can exert a strong moderating influence on the exogenous factors that have militated against its development.
In general terms, monetary policy refers to a combination of measures designed to regulate the value, supply and cost of money in an economy, in consonance with the expected level of economic activity. For most economies, the objectives of monetary policy include price stability, maintenance of balance of payments equilibrium, promotion of employment and output growth, and sustainable development. These objectives are necessary for the attainment of internal and external balance, and the promotion of long-run economic growth.
The importance of price stability derives from the harmful effects of price volatility, which undermines the ability of policy makers to achieve other laudable macroeconomic objectives. There is indeed a general consensus that domestic price fluctuation undermines the role of money as a store of value,and frustrates investments and growth. Empirical studies (Ajayi and Ojo, 1981; Fischer, 1993) on inflation, growth and productivity have confirmed the long-term inverse relationship between inflation and growth. When decomposed into its components, that is, growth due to capital accumulation, productivity growth, and the growth rate of the labour force, the negative association betweeninflation and growth has been traced to the strong negative relationships between it and capital accumulation as well as productivity growth, respectively. The import of these empirical findings is that stable prices are essential for growth.

The success of monetary policy depends on the operating economic environment, the institutional framework adopted, and the choice and mix of the instruments used. In Nigeria, the design and implementation of monetary policy is the responsibility of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The mandates of the CBN as specified in the CBN Act of 1958 include:
• Issuing of legal tender currency.• Maintaining external reserves to safeguard the international value of the currency.
• Promoting monetary stability and a sound financial system.
• Acting as banker and financial adviser to the Federal Government.
However, the current monetary policy framework focuses on the maintenance of price stability while the promotion of growth and employment are the secondary goals of monetary policy. This paper focuses on the framework and strategies that have been adopted by the monetary authorities in achieving the goal of price stability. We hope that the Nigerian experience will be beneficial in our efforts to evolve a regional framework, which will enhance the rapid integration of the financial markets on the continent.

The rest of the paper is organised as follows: Section II which follows examines the evolution of monetary policy in Nigeria and discusses the current monetary policy framework, the instruments used, as well as the operational procedures. An appraisal of the performance of the current framework is the focus of Section III. In Section IV, the lingering problems that constrain the efficiency of the monetary policy framework are discussed, while Section VI contains some concluding remarks.

Evolution of the monetary policy framework In Nigeria
Generally, central bankers and economists are less divided in their perceptions of the objectives of monetary policy than in their views about what role the central bank should play in accomplishing these objectives. Consistent with its legal mandates, the objectives of monetary policy of the CBN since its inception, have been the following:
• Achievement of domestic price and exchange rate stability.
• Maintenance of a healthy balance of payments position.
• Development of a sound financial system.
• Promotion of rapid and sustainable rate of economic growth and development.
Against this background, this section focuses on the evolution of Nigeria’s monetary policy in the past 40 years. Accordingly it discusses the various regimes and the rationale for adopting them, and appraises their relative successes and failures.

2.1 The Exchange Rate Targeting Regime, 1959-1973
The conduct of monetary policy in Nigeria under the colonial government was largely dictated by the prevailing economic conditions in Britain. The instrument of monetary policy at that time was the exchange rate, which was fixed at par between the Nigerian pound and the British pound. This was very convenient, as fixing the exchange rate provided a more effective mechanism for the maintenance of balance of payments viability and for control over inflation in the Nigerian economy. This fixed parity lasted until 1967 when the British pound was devalued.
Owing to the civil war in the later part of this period, the monetary authorities did not consider it expedient to devalue the Nigerian pound in sympathy with the British pound. Two major reasons accounted for this. First, a considerable proportion of the country’s resources was being diverted to finance the war. Second, there was the apprehension that the devaluation of the Nigerian poundwould only raise the domestic price of imports without any appreciable impact on exports, which were largely primary products. Rather than devalue, the monetary authorities decided to peg the Nigerian currency to the US dollar, but imposed severe restrictions on imports via strict administrative controls on foreign exchange.
Following the international financial crisis of the early 1970s, which led to the devaluation of the US dollar, Nigeria abandoned the dollar peg and once again kept faith with the pound until 1973, when the Nigerian currency was once again pegged to the US dollar.

With these developments, the severe drawbacks in pegging the Nigerian currency (naira) to a single currency became obvious. A clear case was that the naira had to undergo a de facto devaluation in sympathy with the dollar when the economic fundamentals dictated otherwise, in 1973 and 1975 respectively. It was against this backdrop that the need to independently manage the exchange rate of the naira was firmly established. Hence, in 1978 Nigeria pegged her currency to a basket of 12 currencies of her major trading partners.

Monetary Targeting Regime, 1974 to From 1970, the economy witnessed a major structural change that affected the conduct of monetary policy. Oil dominated the export basket, constituting 57.6 per cent of total export in 1970 andover 96 per cent from 1980. While non-oil exports (mostly agriculture) declined rapidly from 42.4 per cent in 1970 to 16.9 per cent in 1973. As a result of the increased revenue accruing to government from oil, the imbalance in the balance of payments and low external reserves became things of the past. Indeed, Nigeria’s external reserves rose rapidly by over 1 000 per cent in 1975 from about N100 million in the late sixties to approximately N3.4 billion in 1975. The need to finance post-war developments also led to a considerable growth in public expenditure, thus intensifying inflationary pressures. Under the circumstances, the monetary authorities adopted a new monetary policy framework. This development marked the beginning of monetary targeting in Nigeria, which involved the use of market (indirect) and non-market (direct) instruments. Consequently, the major
focus of monetary policy was predicated on controlling the monetary aggregates, a policy stance which was largely based on the belief that inflation is essentially a monetary phenomenon.

Direct Control, 1974-1992
The major objective of monetary policy during this period was to promote rapid and sustainable economic growth. Consequently, the monetary authority imposed quantitative interest rate and credit ceilings on the deposit money of banks, and prescribed sectoral credit allocation to the various sectors of the economy. Overall, the “preferred” sectors, such as agriculture, manufacturing and construction, were singled out for the most favoured treatment, in terms of generous credit allocation and a below-market lending rate.

The most important instrument of monetary control the CBN relied upon was the setting of targets for aggregate credit to the domestic economy and the prescription of low interest rates. With these instruments, the monetary authority hoped to direct the flow of loanable funds with a view to promoting rapid development through the provision of finance to the preferred sectors of the economy.

The level and structure of interest rates were administratively determined by the CBN. Both deposit and lending rates were fixed in order to achieve by fiat, the social optimum in resource allocation, promote the orderly growth of the financial market, contain inflation and lessen the burden of internal debt servicing on the government. In implementing the policy, the sectors were classified into three categories: (1) “preferred” (agriculture, manufacturing, and residential housing; (2) “less preferred” (imports and general commerce); and (3) “others”. This classification enabled the monetary authorities to direct financial resources at concessionary rates to sectors considered as priority areas. These rates were typically below the CBN-determined minimum rediscount rate (MRR) whichitself was low and not determined by market forces.
Percent
The imposition of special deposits compelled banks to deposit, at the CBN, any shortfall in the allocation of credit to the designated preferred sectors of the economy.
Empirical evidence during the control regime era revealed that the flow of credit to the priority sectors did not meet the prescribed targets and failed to impact positively on investment, output and domestic price level. Overall, banks tended to practice adverse selection in their credit allocation.
For instance between 1972 and 1985, banks’ aggregate loans to the productive sector averaged 40.7 per cent of total credit, about 8.7 percentage points lower than the stipulated target of 49.4 per cent. A major factor, which impaired the effectiveness of monetary policy during the era of control regime, was the lack of instrument autonomy by the Central Bank. During this period, monetarypolicies were dictated by the Ministry of Finance and as such, were influenced by short-term political considerations.
Beginning from mid-1981, crude oil prices took a downturn as prices fell from the peak of US$40 per barrel to US$14.85 in 1986. This led to severe external sector imbalance. The emerging economic development made Nigeria adopt the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), as a policy option to put the economy back on the path of sustainable growth.
In broad terms, the SAP strategy involved both structural and sectoral policy reforms. The reforms included the deregulation of the financial system to accomplish a market-oriented financial system that would support efficient financial intermediation. The programme, thus, entailed reforming anddismantling the control regime which was characterised by a system of fixed credit allocations, a subsidised and regulated interest rate regime, exchange controls and import licensing. Overall, the emergence of SAP ushered in a regime of financial sector reforms characterised by the free entry and free exit of banks and the use of indirect instruments for monetary controls.

The strategy therefore was to introduce measures that would increase competition, strengthen the supervisory and regulatory capacity of the CBN, improve the financial structure and redress the financial repression already identified (Oke, 1995). This led to the introduction of the regime of indirect monetary control, which forms the current framework of Nigeria’s monetary policy as discussed hereunder. Nevertheless, owing to the exigencies of emerging economic developments, some direct control measures were maintained and new ones introduced to contain excess liquidity during the period of indirect control. For instance, Stabilisation Securities were introduced in 1990 as a temporary measure and later abolished in the last quarter of 1998. Similarly, Special Treasury Bills (STBs) were also introduced in April 1999 and discontinued before the end of 2000.

Indirect monetary control, 1993 to date.
Objectives and operational framework Beginning from September 1993, the CBN embarked on a selective removal of all credit ceilings for banks that met some pre-set criteria under the Basel Committee’s prescribed prudential guidelines.
While the Ministry of Finance continued to exert an influence on the conduct of monetary policy, efforts were made by the political leadership to strengthen the Central Bank’s Act, in order to render the Bank less dependent on the Ministry of Finance. The first of such laws was the CBN Decree 24 of 1991 and the Banks and Other Financial Institutions Decree (BOFID) 25, also of 1991. Thiswas followed by the CBN (Amendment) Decree Number 37 of 1998 and the Banks and Other Financial Institutions, BOFI (Amendment) Decree Number 38 of 1998. Overall, the CBN’s amended Act granted the Bank more discretion and autonomy in the conduct of monetary policy. Consequently, the focus of monetary policy during this period shifted significantly from growth and developmental objectives to price stability.

The operational framework for indirect monetary policy management involved the use of market (indirect) instruments to regulate the growth of major monetary aggregates. Under this framework, only the operating variables, the monetary base or its components are targeted, while the market is left to determine the interest rates and allocate credit. Essentially, the regime involves an econometric exercise, which estimates (ex ante) the optimal monetary stock, which is deemed consistent with the assumed targets for GDP growth, the inflation rate and external reserves. Thereafter, market instruments are used to limit banks’ reserve balances as well as their credit creating capacity.

Instruments of monetary policy under the regime The major instrument of indirect monetary control in Nigeria is the Open Market Operations (OMO).To date this instrument has been complemented by reserve requirements, CBN securities, as well as moral suasion.

Open Market Operations
The OMO was introduced at the end of June 1993 and is conducted wholly on Nigerian Treasury Bills (NTBs), including repurchase agreements (repos). The OMO entails the sale or purchase of eligible bills or securities in the open market by the CBN for the purpose of influencing deposit money,banks’ reserve balances, the level of base money and consequently the overall level of monetary and financial conditions. In this transaction, banks subscribing to the offer, through the discount houses, draw on their reserve balances at the CBN thereby reducing the overall liquidity of the banking system and the banks’ ability to create money via credit.

In implementing the OMO, the Research Department of the CBN advises the trading desk at the Banking Operations Department, also of the CBN, on the level of excess or shortfall in bank reserves. Thereafter, the trading desk decides on the type, rate and tenor of the securities to be offered and notifies the discount houses 48 hours ahead of the bid date. The highest bid price (lowest discount rate quoted) for sales and the lowest price offered (highest discount offer) for purchases, with the desired size or volume, is then accepted by the CBN. The amount of securities sold at the OMO weekly sessions since the inception of the indirect monetary policy in 1993 has risen over a hundred-fold to N0.2 billion in 1994. Even though a slump in sales was recorded in
1995, statistics for 1996 show an increase of 45.5 per cent in the amount sold at OMO over the 1995 sales. Activities at the OMO have been on the increase ever since, with average OMO sales increasing by over 300 percentage points to N7.73 billion in 2000.
Reserve requirement The CBN complements the use of OMO with a reserve requirement. In this connection, the reserve requirement is an instrument for liquidity management and for prudential regulation. The reserve requirements are the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and the Liquidity Ratio (LR). While the former isdefined as a proportion of the total demand, savings and time deposits which banks are expected to keep as deposits with the CBN, the latter refers to the proportion of banks’ liquid assets to their total deposit liabilities. The CRR has been progressively increased from 6 per cent in 1995 to 8 per cent in 1997 and then to 12.5 per cent in April 2001. Similarly, the liquidity ratio has been increased from 30 per cent in 1998 to 40 per cent in April 2001.

Discount window operations
The CBN discount window facilities were established strictly in line with the “lender of last resort” role, that the Bank is expected to play. Accordingly, it has continued to provide loans of a short-term nature (overnight) to banks in need of liquidity. The facilities are collateralised by the borrowing institution’s holding of government debt instruments and any other instrument approved by theCBN and subject to a maximum quota. The Minimum Rediscount Rate (MRR) is the nominal anchor, which influences the level and direction of other interest rates in the domestic money market. Its movements are generally intended to signal to market operators the monetary policy stance of the CBN. It was recently reviewed upwards from 16.5 per cent to 18.5 per cent in June 2001 in order to contain the rapid monetary expansion arising from an expansionary fiscal policy.

Moral suasion
The CBN adopts this approach as a means of establishing two-way communication with the banks, thereby creating a better environment for the effectiveness of monetary policy. The main avenue of contact is the Bankers’ Committee, which meets two-monthly. This dialogue with banks was further expanded in November 2000 to include other stakeholders comprising key government officials, financial market operators, academics, etc, under the umbrella of the Monetary Policy Forum. The objective of the Forum is to enhance the transparency of the Bank’s monetary policy-making process.

Performance assessment of the current monetary policy framework:
The performance of Nigeria’s monetary policy framework under the post-reform regime can be assessed according to the extent to which the actual growth in monetary aggregates, GDP growth rate and inflation.

Money and credit
Growth in money supply was substantial during the review period. Money supply, M1 and M2 grew rapidly from 16.3 and 19.4 per cent in 1995 to 48.1 and 62.2 per cent in 2000, respectively. These rates were consistently above their projected targets.
The growth in monetary aggregates was due to factors such as: rapid monetisation of oil inflows, minimum wage adjustments, and the financing of government’s fiscal deficits through the banking system. Credit to the private sector, by contrast, declined sharply from 48.0 per cent in 1995 to 23.9 per cent in 1997 and thereafter increased gradually to 30.9 per cent in 2000. However, itstayed within the prescribed limits in only three (3) out of the six-year (1995-2000) time frame of the post-control regime analysis. Overall, the major source of liquidity was growth in credit to government in most of the years. Generally, fiscal dominance has been the major factor which has consistently undermined the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria, even under the reform system.

Prices
It will be recalled that the major objective of Nigeria’s monetary policy is the maintenance of macroeconomic and price stability. Using this yardstick, the outcome of monetary policy in Nigeria has been generally mixed. By definition, price stability in Nigeria refers to the achievement of a single-digit inflation rate on an annual basis. Indeed, this objective has not been achieved on a sustained basis. For example, in 1995 the rate of inflation was 72.8 per cent while the target of single digit inflation was achieved in only three (3) years out of six (6), between 1995 and 2000. In fact, the single-digit inflation rate that materialised was attributable to a favourable agricultural harvest – as the weight of food accounts for 70 per cent in the computation of Nigeria’s consumer price index.

Domestic output
Similarly, output performance has not been impressive. Growth in domestic output declined considerably in the review period, indicating that monetary policy did not impact positively on output even in the face of increased income from oil exports. For instance, from 2.2 per cent in 1995, domestic output rose sluggishly to 3.8 per cent in 2000. These growth rates were far below the projected targets, especially in 1996 and 1997.


Constraints on monetary policy management in Nigeria: the transmissionmechanism
Despite efforts in the past few years to evolve a monetary policy framework that would enhance the achievement of macroeconomic and price stability in Nigeria, there have been constraints militating against the attainment of these objectives. These include:
Fiscal dominance
Fiscal expansion and the concomitant large fiscal deficits averaging about 3.0 per cent of GDP, have militated against the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria. In 1999, the level of fiscal deficit was a record 8.4 per cent of GDP. Government fiscal operations, especially, the inflationary financing of large budgetary deficits and the monetisation of deficits, have continued to pose serious challenges to monetary management. The setting of strict limits on the financing of government deficits by the CBN has not been successful despite the Bank’s operational autonomy. A comprehensive review of the public debt management programme, suggested in Alexander et al. (1995) would facilitate the observance of the borrowing limits currently set in Nigeria at 12.5 per cent of the estimated current revenue efforts of the government. It would be worthwhile to review this option in Nigeria.

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Liquidity overhang
The sources of liquidity in the economy are varied. However, the growth of credit to government predominated. Other sources include the monetisation of enhanced oil export receipts, particularly in 2000; the minimum wage adjustment in 2000; and the fiscal operation of the states and local governments in Nigeria. The political federalism which Nigeria practises, is a serious constraint on the Bank’s ability to control the money supply in the economy.

Oligopolistic banking system
The oligopolistic structure of the Nigerian banking system is another constraint on the efficient transmission of the monetary policy instruments. Very few large banks control the preponderance of the liquidity in the banking system. Thus, they dictate the interest rates in the market irrespective of the CBN’s manipulation of the nominal anchor discount rate – the MRR.

Data
The poor quality of data is a major constraint in the formulation of monetary policy in Nigeria. The lack of high frequency and reliable data renders econometric analysis difficult. Similarly, fiscal shocks give rise to parameter uncertainty, which also undermines the setting of accurate targets. It is hoped that this problem will be ameliorated with the computerisation of the financial system and the introduction of a transparent fiscal regime.

Dualistic financial and products market
The informal sector in Nigeria accounts for about 30 per cent of GDP. The existence of a large informal credit market and exchange rate markets in Nigeria has many implications for the transmission mechanism of monetary policy. For instance, a divergence between the official and parallel market exchange rates induces, in the short run, a chain of speculative activities, which invariably undermine the efficiency of monetary policy instruments.

Inefficient payments system

The payments system is a vital link between the financial system and the real sector of the economy. The payment instrument in Nigeria is predominantly cash. The prominence of cash for transaction purposes increases the volume of currency in circulation or high-powered money, which renders monetary control difficult, if not impossible. There is general consensus in the literature that aninefficient payments system distorts the transmission mechanism of monetary policies, even when the design and objectives are laudable (Nnanna, 1999).

Concluding remarks
I hope that the paper has shed some light on the conduct of monetary policy in Nigeria. The broad conclusions from the paper can be summarised as follows:

• Monetary management in Nigeria has been relatively more successful during the period of financial sector reform, a period characterised by the use of indirect monetary policy instruments, than under the control regime.

• The efficiency of monetary policy in Nigeria has been undermined by the combined influence of fiscal dominance and political interference.

• The granting of instrument autonomy to the CBN has enhanced its operational efficiency, in terms of its ability to achieve its key objective of monetary policy, namely price stability.

• Finally, the Nigerian experience confirms that the political and legal environment in which a central bank operates is crucial to the success or otherwise of its monetary policy regime.

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Central Bank of Nigeria Economic and Financial Review, Vol. 34. No. 2, p. 608.
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Wednesday, February 4, 2009

Nigeria's Monetary Policy


MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK IN AFRICA:
THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE

Abstract

This paper discusses the evolution of monetary policy in Nigeria in the past four decades. Overall, the socio-economic and political milieu, including the legal framework under which the Central Bank of Nigeria has operated, was found to be the critical factor that influenced the outcome of monetary policy. Specifically, the existence of fiscal dominance, a persistent liquidity overhang, an oli-gopolistic banking system and dualistic financial markets are major systemic factors that have undermined the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria. The paper, however, observes that monetary management has been largely more successful under monetary targeting and indirect monetary control introduced since the early 1990s, than during the regime of direct control.
The author is the Director of Research at the Central Bank of Nigeria. The views expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the organisation with which he is affiliated. He gratefully acknowledges the research assistance of Mr E.A. Essien in the preparation of this paper.

INTRODUCTION
Permit me to start this presentation by expressing deep appreciation to the South African Reserve Bank for giving me the opportunity to participate and share my thoughts with the distinguished participants at this important conference. The theme of the conference is very significant. Monetary policy plays an important role in the achievement of macroeconomic and financial sector stability, while an integrated financial market is essential for the rapid development of the African continent. Africa faces a plethora of development challenges. For instance, despite the various economic reforms undertaken by most countries in the last decade, Africa entered the 21century with an average per capita income which is lower than the level attained at the end of the 1960s and the lowest per capita savings rate in the world. Even though it is apparent that Africa’s performance has been largely influenced by its history and geography (Soludo, 2001), the pursuit of sound monetary and fiscal policies and strong institutions can exert a strong moderating influence on the exogenous factors that have militated against its development.
In general terms, monetary policy refers to a combination of measures designed to regulate the value, supply and cost of money in an economy, in consonance with the expected level of economic activity. For most economies, the objectives of monetary policy include price stability, maintenance of balance of payments equilibrium, promotion of employment and output growth, and sustainable development. These objectives are necessary for the attainment of internal and external balance, and the promotion of long-run economic growth.
The importance of price stability derives from the harmful effects of price volatility, which undermines the ability of policy makers to achieve other laudable macroeconomic objectives. There is indeed a general consensus that domestic price fluctuation undermines the role of money as a store of value,and frustrates investments and growth. Empirical studies (Ajayi and Ojo, 1981; Fischer, 1993) on inflation, growth and productivity have confirmed the long-term inverse relationship between inflation and growth. When decomposed into its components, that is, growth due to capital accumulation, productivity growth, and the growth rate of the labour force, the negative association betweeninflation and growth has been traced to the strong negative relationships between it and capital accumulation as well as productivity growth, respectively. The import of these empirical findings is that stable prices are essential for growth.

The success of monetary policy depends on the operating economic environment, the institutional framework adopted, and the choice and mix of the instruments used. In Nigeria, the design and implementation of monetary policy is the responsibility of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The mandates of the CBN as specified in the CBN Act of 1958 include:
• Issuing of legal tender currency.• Maintaining external reserves to safeguard the international value of the currency.
• Promoting monetary stability and a sound financial system.
• Acting as banker and financial adviser to the Federal Government.
However, the current monetary policy framework focuses on the maintenance of price stability while the promotion of growth and employment are the secondary goals of monetary policy. This paper focuses on the framework and strategies that have been adopted by the monetary authorities in achieving the goal of price stability. We hope that the Nigerian experience will be beneficial in our efforts to evolve a regional framework, which will enhance the rapid integration of the financial markets on the continent.

The rest of the paper is organised as follows: Section II which follows examines the evolution of monetary policy in Nigeria and discusses the current monetary policy framework, the instruments used, as well as the operational procedures. An appraisal of the performance of the current framework is the focus of Section III. In Section IV, the lingering problems that constrain the efficiency of the monetary policy framework are discussed, while Section VI contains some concluding remarks.

Evolution of the monetary policy framework In Nigeria
Generally, central bankers and economists are less divided in their perceptions of the objectives of monetary policy than in their views about what role the central bank should play in accomplishing these objectives. Consistent with its legal mandates, the objectives of monetary policy of the CBN since its inception, have been the following:
• Achievement of domestic price and exchange rate stability.
• Maintenance of a healthy balance of payments position.
• Development of a sound financial system.
• Promotion of rapid and sustainable rate of economic growth and development.
Against this background, this section focuses on the evolution of Nigeria’s monetary policy in the past 40 years. Accordingly it discusses the various regimes and the rationale for adopting them, and appraises their relative successes and failures.

2.1 The Exchange Rate Targeting Regime, 1959-1973
The conduct of monetary policy in Nigeria under the colonial government was largely dictated by the prevailing economic conditions in Britain. The instrument of monetary policy at that time was the exchange rate, which was fixed at par between the Nigerian pound and the British pound. This was very convenient, as fixing the exchange rate provided a more effective mechanism for the maintenance of balance of payments viability and for control over inflation in the Nigerian economy. This fixed parity lasted until 1967 when the British pound was devalued.
Owing to the civil war in the later part of this period, the monetary authorities did not consider it expedient to devalue the Nigerian pound in sympathy with the British pound. Two major reasons accounted for this. First, a considerable proportion of the country’s resources was being diverted to finance the war. Second, there was the apprehension that the devaluation of the Nigerian poundwould only raise the domestic price of imports without any appreciable impact on exports, which were largely primary products. Rather than devalue, the monetary authorities decided to peg the Nigerian currency to the US dollar, but imposed severe restrictions on imports via strict administrative controls on foreign exchange.
Following the international financial crisis of the early 1970s, which led to the devaluation of the US dollar, Nigeria abandoned the dollar peg and once again kept faith with the pound until 1973, when the Nigerian currency was once again pegged to the US dollar.

With these developments, the severe drawbacks in pegging the Nigerian currency (naira) to a single currency became obvious. A clear case was that the naira had to undergo a de facto devaluation in sympathy with the dollar when the economic fundamentals dictated otherwise, in 1973 and 1975 respectively. It was against this backdrop that the need to independently manage the exchange rate of the naira was firmly established. Hence, in 1978 Nigeria pegged her currency to a basket of 12 currencies of her major trading partners.

Monetary Targeting Regime, 1974 to From 1970, the economy witnessed a major structural change that affected the conduct of monetary policy. Oil dominated the export basket, constituting 57.6 per cent of total export in 1970 andover 96 per cent from 1980. While non-oil exports (mostly agriculture) declined rapidly from 42.4 per cent in 1970 to 16.9 per cent in 1973. As a result of the increased revenue accruing to government from oil, the imbalance in the balance of payments and low external reserves became things of the past. Indeed, Nigeria’s external reserves rose rapidly by over 1 000 per cent in 1975 from about N100 million in the late sixties to approximately N3.4 billion in 1975. The need to finance post-war developments also led to a considerable growth in public expenditure, thus intensifying inflationary pressures. Under the circumstances, the monetary authorities adopted a new monetary policy framework. This development marked the beginning of monetary targeting in Nigeria, which involved the use of market (indirect) and non-market (direct) instruments. Consequently, the major
focus of monetary policy was predicated on controlling the monetary aggregates, a policy stance which was largely based on the belief that inflation is essentially a monetary phenomenon.

Direct Control, 1974-1992
The major objective of monetary policy during this period was to promote rapid and sustainable economic growth. Consequently, the monetary authority imposed quantitative interest rate and credit ceilings on the deposit money of banks, and prescribed sectoral credit allocation to the various sectors of the economy. Overall, the “preferred” sectors, such as agriculture, manufacturing and construction, were singled out for the most favoured treatment, in terms of generous credit allocation and a below-market lending rate.

The most important instrument of monetary control the CBN relied upon was the setting of targets for aggregate credit to the domestic economy and the prescription of low interest rates. With these instruments, the monetary authority hoped to direct the flow of loanable funds with a view to promoting rapid development through the provision of finance to the preferred sectors of the economy.

The level and structure of interest rates were administratively determined by the CBN. Both deposit and lending rates were fixed in order to achieve by fiat, the social optimum in resource allocation, promote the orderly growth of the financial market, contain inflation and lessen the burden of internal debt servicing on the government. In implementing the policy, the sectors were classified into three categories: (1) “preferred” (agriculture, manufacturing, and residential housing; (2) “less preferred” (imports and general commerce); and (3) “others”. This classification enabled the monetary authorities to direct financial resources at concessionary rates to sectors considered as priority areas. These rates were typically below the CBN-determined minimum rediscount rate (MRR) whichitself was low and not determined by market forces.
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The imposition of special deposits compelled banks to deposit, at the CBN, any shortfall in the allocation of credit to the designated preferred sectors of the economy.
Empirical evidence during the control regime era revealed that the flow of credit to the priority sectors did not meet the prescribed targets and failed to impact positively on investment, output and domestic price level. Overall, banks tended to practice adverse selection in their credit allocation.
For instance between 1972 and 1985, banks’ aggregate loans to the productive sector averaged 40.7 per cent of total credit, about 8.7 percentage points lower than the stipulated target of 49.4 per cent. A major factor, which impaired the effectiveness of monetary policy during the era of control regime, was the lack of instrument autonomy by the Central Bank. During this period, monetarypolicies were dictated by the Ministry of Finance and as such, were influenced by short-term political considerations.
Beginning from mid-1981, crude oil prices took a downturn as prices fell from the peak of US$40 per barrel to US$14.85 in 1986. This led to severe external sector imbalance. The emerging economic development made Nigeria adopt the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), as a policy option to put the economy back on the path of sustainable growth.
In broad terms, the SAP strategy involved both structural and sectoral policy reforms. The reforms included the deregulation of the financial system to accomplish a market-oriented financial system that would support efficient financial intermediation. The programme, thus, entailed reforming anddismantling the control regime which was characterised by a system of fixed credit allocations, a subsidised and regulated interest rate regime, exchange controls and import licensing. Overall, the emergence of SAP ushered in a regime of financial sector reforms characterised by the free entry and free exit of banks and the use of indirect instruments for monetary controls.

The strategy therefore was to introduce measures that would increase competition, strengthen the supervisory and regulatory capacity of the CBN, improve the financial structure and redress the financial repression already identified (Oke, 1995). This led to the introduction of the regime of indirect monetary control, which forms the current framework of Nigeria’s monetary policy as discussed hereunder. Nevertheless, owing to the exigencies of emerging economic developments, some direct control measures were maintained and new ones introduced to contain excess liquidity during the period of indirect control. For instance, Stabilisation Securities were introduced in 1990 as a temporary measure and later abolished in the last quarter of 1998. Similarly, Special Treasury Bills (STBs) were also introduced in April 1999 and discontinued before the end of 2000.

Indirect monetary control, 1993 to date.
Objectives and operational framework Beginning from September 1993, the CBN embarked on a selective removal of all credit ceilings for banks that met some pre-set criteria under the Basel Committee’s prescribed prudential guidelines.
While the Ministry of Finance continued to exert an influence on the conduct of monetary policy, efforts were made by the political leadership to strengthen the Central Bank’s Act, in order to render the Bank less dependent on the Ministry of Finance. The first of such laws was the CBN Decree 24 of 1991 and the Banks and Other Financial Institutions Decree (BOFID) 25, also of 1991. Thiswas followed by the CBN (Amendment) Decree Number 37 of 1998 and the Banks and Other Financial Institutions, BOFI (Amendment) Decree Number 38 of 1998. Overall, the CBN’s amended Act granted the Bank more discretion and autonomy in the conduct of monetary policy. Consequently, the focus of monetary policy during this period shifted significantly from growth and developmental objectives to price stability.

The operational framework for indirect monetary policy management involved the use of market (indirect) instruments to regulate the growth of major monetary aggregates. Under this framework, only the operating variables, the monetary base or its components are targeted, while the market is left to determine the interest rates and allocate credit. Essentially, the regime involves an econometric exercise, which estimates (ex ante) the optimal monetary stock, which is deemed consistent with the assumed targets for GDP growth, the inflation rate and external reserves. Thereafter, market instruments are used to limit banks’ reserve balances as well as their credit creating capacity.

Instruments of monetary policy under the regime The major instrument of indirect monetary control in Nigeria is the Open Market Operations (OMO).To date this instrument has been complemented by reserve requirements, CBN securities, as well as moral suasion.

Open Market Operations
The OMO was introduced at the end of June 1993 and is conducted wholly on Nigerian Treasury Bills (NTBs), including repurchase agreements (repos). The OMO entails the sale or purchase of eligible bills or securities in the open market by the CBN for the purpose of influencing deposit money,banks’ reserve balances, the level of base money and consequently the overall level of monetary and financial conditions. In this transaction, banks subscribing to the offer, through the discount houses, draw on their reserve balances at the CBN thereby reducing the overall liquidity of the banking system and the banks’ ability to create money via credit.

In implementing the OMO, the Research Department of the CBN advises the trading desk at the Banking Operations Department, also of the CBN, on the level of excess or shortfall in bank reserves. Thereafter, the trading desk decides on the type, rate and tenor of the securities to be offered and notifies the discount houses 48 hours ahead of the bid date. The highest bid price (lowest discount rate quoted) for sales and the lowest price offered (highest discount offer) for purchases, with the desired size or volume, is then accepted by the CBN. The amount of securities sold at the OMO weekly sessions since the inception of the indirect monetary policy in 1993 has risen over a hundred-fold to N0.2 billion in 1994. Even though a slump in sales was recorded in
1995, statistics for 1996 show an increase of 45.5 per cent in the amount sold at OMO over the 1995 sales. Activities at the OMO have been on the increase ever since, with average OMO sales increasing by over 300 percentage points to N7.73 billion in 2000.
Reserve requirement The CBN complements the use of OMO with a reserve requirement. In this connection, the reserve requirement is an instrument for liquidity management and for prudential regulation. The reserve requirements are the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and the Liquidity Ratio (LR). While the former isdefined as a proportion of the total demand, savings and time deposits which banks are expected to keep as deposits with the CBN, the latter refers to the proportion of banks’ liquid assets to their total deposit liabilities. The CRR has been progressively increased from 6 per cent in 1995 to 8 per cent in 1997 and then to 12.5 per cent in April 2001. Similarly, the liquidity ratio has been increased from 30 per cent in 1998 to 40 per cent in April 2001.

Discount window operations
The CBN discount window facilities were established strictly in line with the “lender of last resort” role, that the Bank is expected to play. Accordingly, it has continued to provide loans of a short-term nature (overnight) to banks in need of liquidity. The facilities are collateralised by the borrowing institution’s holding of government debt instruments and any other instrument approved by theCBN and subject to a maximum quota. The Minimum Rediscount Rate (MRR) is the nominal anchor, which influences the level and direction of other interest rates in the domestic money market. Its movements are generally intended to signal to market operators the monetary policy stance of the CBN. It was recently reviewed upwards from 16.5 per cent to 18.5 per cent in June 2001 in order to contain the rapid monetary expansion arising from an expansionary fiscal policy.

Moral suasion
The CBN adopts this approach as a means of establishing two-way communication with the banks, thereby creating a better environment for the effectiveness of monetary policy. The main avenue of contact is the Bankers’ Committee, which meets two-monthly. This dialogue with banks was further expanded in November 2000 to include other stakeholders comprising key government officials, financial market operators, academics, etc, under the umbrella of the Monetary Policy Forum. The objective of the Forum is to enhance the transparency of the Bank’s monetary policy-making process.

Performance assessment of the current monetary policy framework:
The performance of Nigeria’s monetary policy framework under the post-reform regime can be assessed according to the extent to which the actual growth in monetary aggregates, GDP growth rate and inflation.

Money and credit
Growth in money supply was substantial during the review period. Money supply, M1 and M2 grew rapidly from 16.3 and 19.4 per cent in 1995 to 48.1 and 62.2 per cent in 2000, respectively. These rates were consistently above their projected targets.
The growth in monetary aggregates was due to factors such as: rapid monetisation of oil inflows, minimum wage adjustments, and the financing of government’s fiscal deficits through the banking system. Credit to the private sector, by contrast, declined sharply from 48.0 per cent in 1995 to 23.9 per cent in 1997 and thereafter increased gradually to 30.9 per cent in 2000. However, itstayed within the prescribed limits in only three (3) out of the six-year (1995-2000) time frame of the post-control regime analysis. Overall, the major source of liquidity was growth in credit to government in most of the years. Generally, fiscal dominance has been the major factor which has consistently undermined the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria, even under the reform system.

Prices
It will be recalled that the major objective of Nigeria’s monetary policy is the maintenance of macroeconomic and price stability. Using this yardstick, the outcome of monetary policy in Nigeria has been generally mixed. By definition, price stability in Nigeria refers to the achievement of a single-digit inflation rate on an annual basis. Indeed, this objective has not been achieved on a sustained basis. For example, in 1995 the rate of inflation was 72.8 per cent while the target of single digit inflation was achieved in only three (3) years out of six (6), between 1995 and 2000. In fact, the single-digit inflation rate that materialised was attributable to a favourable agricultural harvest – as the weight of food accounts for 70 per cent in the computation of Nigeria’s consumer price index.

Domestic output
Similarly, output performance has not been impressive. Growth in domestic output declined considerably in the review period, indicating that monetary policy did not impact positively on output even in the face of increased income from oil exports. For instance, from 2.2 per cent in 1995, domestic output rose sluggishly to 3.8 per cent in 2000. These growth rates were far below the projected targets, especially in 1996 and 1997.


Constraints on monetary policy management in Nigeria: the transmissionmechanism
Despite efforts in the past few years to evolve a monetary policy framework that would enhance the achievement of macroeconomic and price stability in Nigeria, there have been constraints militating against the attainment of these objectives. These include:
Fiscal dominance
Fiscal expansion and the concomitant large fiscal deficits averaging about 3.0 per cent of GDP, have militated against the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria. In 1999, the level of fiscal deficit was a record 8.4 per cent of GDP. Government fiscal operations, especially, the inflationary financing of large budgetary deficits and the monetisation of deficits, have continued to pose serious challenges to monetary management. The setting of strict limits on the financing of government deficits by the CBN has not been successful despite the Bank’s operational autonomy. A comprehensive review of the public debt management programme, suggested in Alexander et al. (1995) would facilitate the observance of the borrowing limits currently set in Nigeria at 12.5 per cent of the estimated current revenue efforts of the government. It would be worthwhile to review this option in Nigeria.

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Liquidity overhang
The sources of liquidity in the economy are varied. However, the growth of credit to government predominated. Other sources include the monetisation of enhanced oil export receipts, particularly in 2000; the minimum wage adjustment in 2000; and the fiscal operation of the states and local governments in Nigeria. The political federalism which Nigeria practises, is a serious constraint on the Bank’s ability to control the money supply in the economy.

Oligopolistic banking system
The oligopolistic structure of the Nigerian banking system is another constraint on the efficient transmission of the monetary policy instruments. Very few large banks control the preponderance of the liquidity in the banking system. Thus, they dictate the interest rates in the market irrespective of the CBN’s manipulation of the nominal anchor discount rate – the MRR.

Data
The poor quality of data is a major constraint in the formulation of monetary policy in Nigeria. The lack of high frequency and reliable data renders econometric analysis difficult. Similarly, fiscal shocks give rise to parameter uncertainty, which also undermines the setting of accurate targets. It is hoped that this problem will be ameliorated with the computerisation of the financial system and the introduction of a transparent fiscal regime.

Dualistic financial and products market
The informal sector in Nigeria accounts for about 30 per cent of GDP. The existence of a large informal credit market and exchange rate markets in Nigeria has many implications for the transmission mechanism of monetary policy. For instance, a divergence between the official and parallel market exchange rates induces, in the short run, a chain of speculative activities, which invariably undermine the efficiency of monetary policy instruments.

Inefficient payments system

The payments system is a vital link between the financial system and the real sector of the economy. The payment instrument in Nigeria is predominantly cash. The prominence of cash for transaction purposes increases the volume of currency in circulation or high-powered money, which renders monetary control difficult, if not impossible. There is general consensus in the literature that aninefficient payments system distorts the transmission mechanism of monetary policies, even when the design and objectives are laudable (Nnanna, 1999).

Concluding remarks
I hope that the paper has shed some light on the conduct of monetary policy in Nigeria. The broad conclusions from the paper can be summarised as follows:

• Monetary management in Nigeria has been relatively more successful during the period of financial sector reform, a period characterised by the use of indirect monetary policy instruments, than under the control regime.

• The efficiency of monetary policy in Nigeria has been undermined by the combined influence of fiscal dominance and political interference.

• The granting of instrument autonomy to the CBN has enhanced its operational efficiency, in terms of its ability to achieve its key objective of monetary policy, namely price stability.

• Finally, the Nigerian experience confirms that the political and legal environment in which a central bank operates is crucial to the success or otherwise of its monetary policy regime.

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Central Bank of Nigeria Economic and Financial Review, Vol. 34. No. 2, p. 608.